PHONETICS AND PHONEMICS DISCUSSION OF TOULOUR LANGUAGE

PHONETICS AND PHONEMICS DISCUSSION OF TOULOUR LANGUAGE

Presented as Final Assignment of Phonology

By

Elrick R. Tendean       (13091102024)

SAM RATULANGI UNIVERSITY

FACULTY OF CULTURAL SCIENCES
MANADO
2014

PREFACE

The writers want to deliver their grateful acknowledgment to the ever gracious and awesome God, without Him the writers could not be able to finish this final assignment entitled: “Phonetics and Phonemics Discussion of Toulour Language”.

This assignment has drawn on the support of the wonderful supervisor, to whom the writers want to convey their salute, Donald Lotulung, S.S., M.Hum as the material and technical supervisor. Not forgetting to thank the informants and all people who really helped the writers doing this assignment.

Finally, the writer realize that this is way distant from perfect, thus the writers will kindly accept suggestion, advice, and criticism for the improvement of this study. Thank you.

  Manado, Juni 2014

     Ricko Tendean

CHAPTER I

INTRODUCTION

1.1       Phonology

Phonology is a branch of linguistics concerned with the systematic organization of sounds in languages. It has traditionally focused largely on study of the systems of phonemes in particular languages (and therefore used to be also called phonemics, or phonematics), but it may also cover any linguistic analysis either at a level beneath the word (including syllable, onset and rhyme, articulatory gestures, articulatory features, mora, etc.) or at all levels of language where sound is considered to be structured for conveying linguistic meaning. Phonology also includes the study of equivalent organizational systems in sign languages.

The word phonology (as in the phonology of English) can also refer to the phonological system (sound system) of a given language. This is one of the fundamental systems which a language is considered to comprise, like its syntax and its vocabulary.

Phonology is often distinguished from phonetics. While phonetics concerns the physical production, acoustic transmission and perception of the sounds of speech,^[1][2] phonology describes the way sounds function within a given language or across languages to encode meaning. For many linguists, phonetics belongs to descriptive linguistics, and phonology to theoretical linguistics, although establishing the phonological system of a language is necessarily an application of theoretical principles to analysis of phonetic evidence. Note that this distinction was not always made, particularly before the development of the modern concept of phoneme in the mid 20th century. Some subfields of modern phonology have a crossover with phonetics in descriptive disciplines such as psycholinguistics and speech perception, resulting in specific areas like articulatory phonology or laboratory phonology.

1.2       Phonetics

Phonetics is a branch of linguistics that comprises the study of the sounds of human speech, or—in the case of sign languages—the equivalent aspects of sign.^[1] It is concerned with the physical properties of speech sounds or signs (phones): their physiological production, acoustic properties, auditory perception, and neurophysiological status. Phonology, on the other hand, is concerned with the abstract, grammatical characterization of systems of sounds or signs.

            The field of phonetics is a multilayered subject of linguistics that focuses on speech. In the case of oral languages there are three basic areas of study:

1.2.1    Articulatory Phonetics

            Is the study of the production of speech sounds by the articulatory and vocal tract by the speaker.

1.2.2    Acoustic Phonetics

            Is the study of the physical transmission of speech sounds from the speaker to the listener.

1.2.3    Auditory phonetics

            Is the study of the reception and perception of speech sounds by the listener.

1.3       Phonemics

            Phonemic is the study of sound patterns language. Part of one’s knowledge of a language is knowledge ogthephonology about phonetic sound and the way in which they patterns. The patterning determines in the inventory of phonemes the abstract basic units that differeniate words.

1.4       Native Language

The Minahasa (alternative spelling: Minahassa or Mina hasa) are  n ethnic group located in the North Sulawesi province of Indonesia, formerly known as North Celebes. They are the second most populous ethnic group in the Minahassa Peninsula, after the Gorontaloans. The Minahasa speak Minahasan languages and Manado Malay (also known as Minahasa Malay), a language closely related to the Malay language.

Minahasa Raya is the area covering Bitung City, Manado City, Tomohon City, Minahasa Regency, North Minahasa Regency, South Minahasa Regency and Southeast Minahasa Regency, which are altogether seven of the fifteen regional administrations in the province of North Sulawesi, Indonesia.

Originally inhabited by Nuclear Malayo-Polynesian languages-speaking peoples, the region was colonized in the 16th century by the Portuguese and Spanish, then in the 17th century by the Dutch. In the Dutch East Indies the Minahasa people identified strongly with the Dutch language, culture and the Protestant faith — so strongly, in fact, that when Indonesia became independent in 1945 certain factions of political elites of the region even pleaded with the Dutch to let it become a province of the Netherlands. The centuries old strong bond between the Minahasa and the Netherlands has recently been studied and explained using the Stranger King concept

The name of the land of Minahasa has been changed several times: Batacina-Malesung-Minaesa and then finally the current name Minahasa, meaning "becoming one united". This name dates from the war against the southern Kingdom of Bolaang Mangondow. However, other sources cite that the original name of Minahasa was Malesung, meaning "paddy rotary", then changed to Se Mahasa, meaning "they that unite," and finally Minahasa, meaning "becoming one united."

North Sulawesi never developed any large empire. In 670, the leaders of the different tribes, who all spoke different languages, met by a stone known as Watu Pinawetengan. There they founded a community of independent states, who would form one unit and stay together and would fight any outside enemies if they were attacked.

Until well into the 19th century the Minahasa was made up of rivaling warrior societies that practiced headhunting. Only during 'Pax Neerlandica' of the formal colonisation of the Dutch East Indies did the state of permanent internal warfare and the practice of headhunting subside.

The Minahasa region of north Sulawesi is thought to have first been inhabited by humans in the late third and second millennia BC.  The Austronesian people originally inhabited southern China before moving and colonising areas in Taiwan, the northern Philippines, the southern Philippines, and on to Borneo, Sulawesi, and the Moluccas.

According to Minahasa mythology the Minahasans are descendants of Toar and Lumimuut. Initially, the descendants of Toar-Lumimuutwere divided into 3 groups: Makatelu-pitu (three times seven), Makarua-siouw (two times nine) and Pasiowan-Telu (nine times three). They multiplied quickly. But soon there were disputes among these people. Their leaders named Tona'as then decided to meet and talk about this. They met in Awuan (north of the current Tonderukan hill). That meeting was called Pinawetengan u-nuwu (dividing of language) or Pinawetengan um-posan (dividing of ritual). At that meeting the descendants were divided into three groups named Tonsea, Tombulu, and Tontemboan corresponding to the groups mentioned above. At the place where this meeting took place a memorial stone called Watu Pinabetengan (Stone of Dividing) was then built. It is a favourite tourist destination.

The groups Tonsea, Tombulu, and Tontemboan then established their main territories which were Maiesu, Niaranan, and Tumaratas respectively. Soon several villages were established outside these territories. These new villages then became a ruling center of a group of villages called puak, later walak, comparable to the present-day district.

Subsequently a new group of people arrived in Pulisan peninsula. Due to numerous conflicts in this area, they then moved inland and established villages surrounding a large lake. These people were therefore called Tondano, Toudano or Toulour (meaning water people). This lake is now the Tondano lake

In the following years, more groups came to Minahasa. There were:

·                  people from the islands of Maju and Tidore who landed in Atep. These people were the ancestors of the subethnic Tonsawang.

·                  people from Tomori Bay. These were the ancestors of the subethnic Pasam-bangko (Ratahan dan Pasan)

·                  people from Bolaang Mangondow who were the ancestors of Ponosakan (Belang).

·                  people from the Bacan archipelago and Sangi, who then occupied Lembeh, Talisei Island, Manado Tua, Bunaken and Mantehage. These were the subethnic Bobentehu (Bajo). They landed in the place now called Sindulang. They then established a kingdom called Manado which ended in 1670 and became walak Manado.

·                  people from Toli-toli, who in the early 18th century landed first in Panimburan and then went to Bolaang-Mangondow

·                  and finally to the place where Malalayang is now located. These people were the ancestors of the subethnic Bantik.

These are the nine sub-ethnic groups in Minahasa, which explains the number 9 in Manguni Maka-siouw:

·                  Tonsea,

·                  Tombulu,

·                  Tontemboan,

·                  Tondano (Toulour),

·                  Tonsawang,

·                  Pasan Ratahan (Bentenan),

·                  Ponosakan,

·                  Babontehu,

·                  Bantik.

Eight of these ethnic groups are also separate linguistic groups.

The name Minahasa itself arose at the time the Minahasans fought against Bolaang Mangondow. Among the Minahasan heroes in these wars against Bolaang Mangondow are: Porong, Wenas, Dumanaw and Lengkong (in the war near Lilang village), Gerungan, Korengkeng, Walalangi (near Panasen, Tondano), Wungkar, Sayow, Lumi, and Worotikan (in the war along Amurang Bay).

            Until the dominance of Dutch influence in the 17th and 18th century the Minahassans lived in warrior societies that practised headhunting.

Ancient Minahasa society was both competitive and egalitarian. Important Walian (religious shaman) were often female and Minahasa culture does not show any particular discrimination against women. Important decisions concerning the community were made in a democratic manner. Due to the virtual equality in birth a persons rise in status was mainly dependent on personal achievements and the expression of personal virtues.

Leadership positions and higher status were acquired via two main mechanisms: the deployment of wealth and the show of bravery. The first was achieved via 'Status selematans', ceremonial feasts called Foso and the latter originally via successful headhunting.

Headhunting helped the warrior gain a religious concept called 'Keter', which is similar to the Malay term 'Semangat' and means Soul/spirit substance. This spiritual and physical force is expressed as courage, eloquence, virility and fertility. Even without the actual practice of headhunting and other old traditions and customs these core elements of original Minahasa culture are still held in high regard. To this day the deployment of wealth, bravery, obstinacy and the eloquence of verbal resistance are important to social mobility in the Minahasa.

In the Minahasa, 5 distinct languages are spoken : Tonsawang, Tontemboan, Toulour, Tonsea and Tombulu. In 1996, the Summer Institute of Linguistics in Dallas, published theNorth Sulawesi Language Survey by Scott Merrifield and Martinus Salea. It gives an overview of the classification and distribution of the languages, based on a detailed study of the phonology and vocabulary.

Influences of Portuguese, Spanish and Dutch can be found in the Indonesian dialect of the Minahasa (Manado Malay or Minahasa Malay): Chair in Indonesian is kursi, in the Minahasa its called kadera (cadera - Spanish word for hip; cadeira - Portuguese word for chair). Horse in Indonesian is kuda, a word of Sanscrit origin. In the town of Tomohon, a horse is called kafalio (caballo - Spanish, cavalo - Portuguese).

CHAPTER II

CONTENTS

2.1       Vowels

Vowel is a sound in spoken language, such as an English ah! [ɑː] or oh! [oʊ], pronounced with an open vocal tract so that there is no build-up of air pressure at any point above the glottis. This contrasts with consonants, such as English sh! [ʃː], where there is a constriction or closure at some point along the vocal tract. A vowel is also understood to be syllabic: an equivalent open but non-syllabic sound is called a semivowel.

In all oral languages, vowels form the nucleus or peak of syllables, whereas consonants form the onset and (in languages that have them) coda. However, some languages also allow other sounds to form the nucleus of a syllable, such as the syllabic l in the English word table [ˈteɪ.bl̩] (the stroke under the l indicates that it is syllabic; the dot separates syllables), or the r in Serbo-Croatian vrt [vr̩t] "garden".

There is a conflict between the phonetic definition of "vowel" (a sound produced with no constriction in the vocal tract) and the phonological definition (a sound that forms the peak of a syllable). The approximants [j] and [w] illustrate this conflict: both are produced without much of a constriction in the vocal tract (so phonetically they seem to be vowel-like), but they occur on the edge of syllables, such as at the beginning of the English words "yet" and "wet" (which suggests that phonologically they are consonants). The American linguist Kenneth Pike (1943) suggested the terms "vocoid" for a phonetic vowel and "vowel" for a phonological vowel, so using this terminology, [j] and [w] are classified as vocoids but not vowels. However, Maddieson and Emmory (1985) demonstrated from a range of languages that semivowels are produced with a narrower constriction of the vocal tract than vowels, and so may be considered consonants on that basis.

The word vowel comes from the Latin word vocalis, meaning “speaking”, because in most languages words and thus speech are not possible without vowels. In

English, the word vowel is commonly used to mean both vowel sounds and the written symbols that represent them.

Vocal Alphabets	Begin	Middle	End
[a]	asu	nae noat kahawiin kuman nepat walu mapulu wale mapepereng maharem mangemong nyaku labung tendey raharen marisa kalibong makiit lalan sesepunan waang lawas nae raai wanua kanawu sumawang papatil mawangker kumelang tumingkas wakekes pahagi mapaayang maupi kumantar kebuan katembo rakek sapatu kaput waha kapaya	rua nesa lima numa sea sera marisa wisa suma wanua sela waha tusa kapaya lia
[i]		tia kahawiin lima pitu siou wisa wiay makiit tiey tia timboyen roit rongkit lia	punti tumuli raai pahagi maupi loloi
[u]	ure ules	rua kuman mapulu tumuli tumekel tumor lunteng suma empung wanua wuter sumawang tumeles kumelang tumingkas lumongkot maupi kumantar rumembek kembuan kaput tusa rimbun	kou pitu telu walu mapulu wesu asu nyaku kou tou weru
[e]	empung	sea nesa telu nepat tumekel mapepereng maharem wesu mangemong sea tewi sera rahare tomantes tiey weren sesepunan lunteng timboyen wuter tumeles mawangker kumelang ules wakekes sela rintek meros weru rumembek kembuan katembo rekek	nae wale
[o]	opo	poot noat siou numoonot momoondo woondo kooko kou tomantes loloi kalibong poopo tou tumor rookos poot timboyen toro roit towo meros lumongkot pokol solo lour	poopo momoondo woondo kooko toro towo katembo solo

2.1.1       Monophthong

            Monophthong is a pure vowel sound, one whose articulation at both beginning and end is relatively fixed, and which does not glide up or down towards a new position of articulation. The monophthongs can be contrasted with diphthongs, where the vowel quality changes within the same syllable, and hiatus, where two vowels are next to each other in different syllables (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/diphthong). There are no monophtongs in Toulour language.

2.1.2       Diphtong

            Diphthong,  also known as a gliding vowel, refers to two adjacent vowel sounds occurring within the same syllable. Technically, a diphthong is a vowel with two different targets: that is, the tongue (and/or other parts of the speech apparatus) moves during the pronunciation of the vowel. For most dialects of English, the phrase "no highway cowboys" contains five distinct diphthongs.

            Diphthongs contrast with monophthongs, where the tongue or other speech organs do not move significantly and the syllable contains only a single vowel sound. Where two adjacent vowel sounds occur in different syllables—for example, in the English word re-elect—the result is described as hiatus, not as a diphthong.

            Diphthongs often form when separate vowels are run together in rapid speech during a conversation. However, there are also unitary diphthongs, as in the English examples above, which are heard by listeners as single-vowel sounds (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Diphthong).

a.                Rising Diphtong

Rising (or ascending) diphthongs begin with a less prominent semivowel and end with a more prominent full vowel. Below are three examples of rising diphthong that included in some words in Tombulu language

·                 Diphthong [ei]: “tandei”

·                 Diphthong [oi]: “loloi”

·                 Diphthong [ai]: “wiai”

·                 Diphthong [ou]: “lour”

·                 Diphthong [au]: “maupi”

b.               Falling Diphthong

Falling (or descending) diphthongs start with a vowel quality of higher prominence (higher pitch or volume) and end in a semivowel with less prominence.

·                 Diphthong [ua]: “rua”

·                 Diphthong [io]: “siou”

·                 Diphthong [ia]: “wiai”

2.1.3    Triphthong

            Triphthong  is a monosyllabic vowel combination involving a quick but smooth movement of the articulator from one vowel quality to another that passes over a third. While "pure" vowels, or monophthongs, are said to have one target articulator position, diphthongs have two, and triphthongs three (en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Triphthong). In Toulour language, there are no triphthongs.

2.2       Consonant

Consonant is a speech sound that is articulated with complete or partial closure of the vocal tract. Examples are [p], pronounced with the lips; [t], pronounced with the front of the tongue; [k], pronounced with the back of the tongue; [h], pronounced in the throat; [f] and [s], pronounced by forcing air through a narrow channel (fricatives); and [m] and [n], which have air flowing through the nose (nasals). Contrasting with consonants are vowels.

Since the number of possible sounds in all of the world's languages is much greater than the number of letters in any one alphabet, linguists have devised systems such as the International Phonetic Alphabet (IPA) to assign a unique and unambiguous symbol to each attested consonant. In fact, the English alphabet has fewer consonant letters than English has consonant sounds, so digraphs like "ch", "sh", "th", and "zh" are used to extend the alphabet, and some letters and digraphs represent more than one consonant. For example, the sound spelled "th" in "this" is a different consonant than the "th" sound in "thin". (In the IPA they are transcribed [ð] and [θ], respectively).

2.1.1    Place of Aticulation

            In articulatory phonetics, the place of articulation (also point of articulation) of a consonant is the point of contact where an obstruction occurs in the vocal tract between an articulatory gesture, an active articulator (typically some part of the tongue), and a passive location (typically some part of the roof of the mouth). Along with the manner of articulation and the phonation, this gives the consonant its distinctive sound.

            The terminology in this article has been developed to precisely describe all the consonants in all the world's spoken languages. No known language distinguishes all of the places described here, so less precision is needed to distinguish the sounds of a particular language (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Place_of_articulation).

a.         Bilabials

            [p] [b] [m] When we produce a [p] [b], or [m] we articulate by bringing both lips together.

b.               Labiodentals

            [f] [v] We also use our lips to form [f] and [v]. We articulate these sounds by touching the bottom lip to the upper teeth.

c.                Interdental

            [ө] [ð] These sounds, both spelled th, are pronounced by inserting the tip of the tongue between the teeth. However, for some speakers the tongue merel touches behind the teeth, making a sound more correctly called dental.

d.               Alveolars

            [t] [d] [n] [s] [z] [l] [r]  All seven of these sounds are pronounced with the tongue raised in various ways to the alveolar ridge.

e.                Palatals

            [ʃ] [ʒ] [tʃ] [dʒ] [j] For these sounds, which occur in mission, measure, cheap, judge, and yoyo, the constriction occurs by raising the front part of the tongue to the palate.

f.                Velars

            [k] [g] [ᵑ]  Another class of sounds is produced by raising the back of the tongue to the soft palate or velum. The initial and final sounds of the words kick and gig and final sounds of the words back, bag, and bang are all velar sounds.

g.               Uvulars

            [R] [q] [G] Uvular sounds are produced by raising back of the tongue to the uvula, the fleshy protuberance that hangs down in the back of our throats. The r in French is often a uvular trill symbolized by [R]. The uvular sounds [q] and [G] occur in Arabic. These sounds do not ordinarily occur in English.    

h.               Glottals

            [h] [?] The sound of [h] is from the flow of air through the open  glottis, and past the tongue and lips as they prepare to pronounce a vowel sound, which always follows [h].

Consonant Alphabets	Begin	Middle	End
[p]	punti pitu poopo poot papatil pahagi pokol	nepat mapulu mapepereng poopo sesepunan empung papatil mapaayang sapatu kaput kapaya
[b]		labung kalibong tomboyen kembuan rumembek katembo rimbun
[m]	momoondo maharem mapepereng mapulu mangemong marisa makiit mapaayang meros maupi	momoondo kuman numa tumuli numoonot tumekel mangemong tomantes tumoor suma empung timboyen sumawang tumeles kumelang tumingkas lumongkot kumantar rumembek kembuan katembo rimbun	nenem
[t]	telu tumuli tumekel tewi tandey tomantes tou tiey tia timboyen tumeles tumingkas towo tusa	punti tomantes lunteng wuter papatil rintek kumantar katembo sapatu	noat nepat numoonot makiit poot roit lumongkot
[d]		momondo Woondo Tandey
[n]	noat nenem numoonot nae nyaku	momoondo woondo nenem numoonot tandey punti tomantes sesepunan lunteng wanua kanawu kumantar	kahawiin kuman raharen lalan sesepunan timboyen kembuan rimbun
[s]	siou sea serasesepunan suma sumawang sela sapatu solo	nesa wesu marisa wisa sesepunan tusa	tomantes rookos lawas tumeles ules
[r]	rua raharen rookos raai roit rumembek rakek rimbun	mapepereng maharem raharen marisa weren	wuter Lour
[k]	kahawiin kuman kalibong kanawu kumantar katembo kapaya kou	tumekel nyaku rookos mawangker tumingkas wakekes rongkit lumongkot rakek mawangker tumingkas lumongkot	wuuk rumembek rakek

2.1.2       Manner of Articulation

            In articulatory phonetics, the manner of articulation is the configuration and interaction of the articulators (speech organs such as the tongue, lips, and palate) when making a speech sound. One parameter of manner is stricture, that is, how closely the speech organs approach one another. Others include those involved in the r-like sounds (taps and trills), and the sibilancy of fricatives.

            The concept of manner is mainly used in discussion of consonants, although the movement of the articulators will also greatly alter the resonant properties of the vocal tract, thereby changing the formant structure of speech sounds that is crucial for the identification of vowels. For consonants, the place of articulation and the degree of phonation of voicing are considered separately from manner, as being independent parameters. Homorganic consonants, which have the same place of articulation, may have different manner of articulation. Often nasality and laterality are included in manner, but some phoneticians, such as Peter Ladefoged, consider them to be independent (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Manner_of_articulation).

a.                Stops

            [p] [b] [m] [t] [d] [n] [k] [g] [ᵑ] [tʃ] [dʒ] [?] We are seeing finer and finer distinctions of speech sounds. However, both [t] and [s] are voiceless, alveolar, oral sounds. What distinguishes them ? After all, tack and sack are different words.

b.               Fricatives

            [f] [v] [ө] [ð] [s] [z] [ʃ] [ʒ] [x] [Ɣ] [h] In the production of some continuents, the airflow is so severaly obstructed that it causes friction, and the sounds are therefore called fricatives. The first of of the following pairs of fricatives are voiceless; the second voiced.

c.                Africatives

            [tʃ] [dʒ] These soundsare produced by a stop closure followed immediately by a gradual release of the closure that produces an effect characteristic of fricative. The palatal sounds that begin and end the words church and judge are voiceless and voice affricates, respectively. Affricates are not continuants because of the intial stop closure.

d.               Glides

            [j] [w] The sounds [j] and [w], the initial sounds of you and  we, are produce with little obstruction of the airstream. They are always followed directly by a vowel and do not occur at the end of words (don’t be fooled by spelling; words ending in y or w like say and saw end in a vowel sound). After articulating [j] or [w], the toungue glides quickly into place for pronouncing the next vowel, hence the term glide.

Consonant Alphabets	Begin	Middle	End
[p]	punti pitu poopo poot papatil pahagi pokol	nepat mapulu mapepereng poopo sesepunan empung papatil mapaayang sapatu kaput kapaya
[b]		labung kalibong tomboyen kembuan rumembek katembo rimbun
[m]	momoondo maharem mapepereng mapulu mangemong marisa makiit mapaayang meros maupi	momoondo kuman numa tumuli numoonot tumekel mangemong tomantes tumoor suma empung timboyen sumawang tumeles kumelang tumingkas lumongkot kumantar rumembek kembuan katembo rimbun	nenem
[t]	telu tumuli tumekel tewi tandey tomantes tou tiey tia timboyen tumeles tumingkas towo tusa	punti tomantes lunteng wuter papatil rintek kumantar katembo sapatu	noat nepat numoonot makiit poot roit lumongkot
[d]		momondo Woondo Tandey
[n]	noat nenem numoonot nae nyaku	momoondo woondo nenem numoonot tandey punti tomantes sesepunan lunteng wanua kanawu kumantar	kahawiin kuman raharen lalan sesepunan timboyen kembuan rimbun
[k]	kahawiin kuman kalibong kanawu kumantar katembo kapaya kou	tumekel nyaku rookos mawangker tumingkas wakekes rongkit lumongkot rakek mawangker tumingkas lumongkot	wuuk rumembek rakek

2.3       Phonemes

            Phoneme is a basic unit of a language's phonology, which is combined with other phonemes to form meaningful units such as words or morphemes. The phoneme can be described as "The smallest contrastive linguistic unit which may bring about a change of meaning".^[1] In this way the difference in meaning between the English words kill and kiss is a result of the exchange of the phoneme /l/ for the phoneme /s/. Two words that differ in meaning through a contrast of a single phoneme form a minimal pair.

Within linguistics there are differing views as to exactly what phonemes are and how a given language should be analyzed in phonemic (or phonematic) terms. However, a phoneme is generally regarded as an abstraction of a set (or equivalence class) of speech sounds (phones) which are perceived as equivalent to each other in a given language. For example, in English, the "k" sounds in the words kit and skill are not identical (as described below), but they are distributional variants of a single phoneme /k/. Different speech sounds that are realizations of the same phoneme are known as allophones. Allophonic variation may be conditioned, in which case a certain phoneme is realized as a certain allophone in particular phonological environments, or it may be free in which case it may vary randomly. In this way, phonemes are often considered to constitute an abstract underlying representation for words, while speech sounds make up the corresponding phonetic realization, or surface form.

            There are the distribution of phonemes in Toulour language:

Consonant Alphabets	Begin	Middle	End
[p]	punti pitu poopo poot papatil pahagi pokol	nepat mapulu mapepereng poopo sesepunan empung papatil mapaayang sapatu kaput kapaya
[b]		labung kalibong tomboyen kembuan rumembek katembo rimbun
[m]	momoondo maharem mapepereng mapulu mangemong marisa makiit mapaayang meros maupi	momoondo kuman numa tumuli numoonot tumekel mangemong tomantes tumoor suma empung timboyen sumawang tumeles kumelang tumingkas lumongkot kumantar rumembek kembuan katembo rimbun	nenem
[t]	telu tumuli tumekel tewi tandey tomantes tou tiey tia timboyen tumeles tumingkas towo tusa	punti tomantes lunteng wuter papatil rintek kumantar katembo sapatu	noat nepat numoonot makiit poot roit lumongkot
[d]		Momondo Woondo Tandey
[n]	noat nenem numoonot nae nyaku	momoondo woondo nenem numoonot tandey punti tomantes sesepunan lunteng wanua kanawu kumantar	kahawiin kuman raharen lalan sesepunan timboyen kembuan rimbun
[k]	kahawiin kuman kalibong kanawu kumantar katembo kapaya kou	tumekel nyaku rookos mawangker tumingkas wakekes rongkit lumongkot	wuuk rumembek rakek
[ᵑ]		mangemong mawangker tumingkas lumongkot	mapepereng mangemong kalibong lunteng waang empung sumawang mapaayang

2.4       Sequence Of Phonemes

            The sequence of Phoneme Speakers of a language know that the phonemes of the language cannot be strung together in any random order . Suppose you are asked to form a word from phonemes; /k/, /b/, /l/, /i/.

Phonological System	Word	Meaning
CVV	kou tou rua sea tia lia	you people two they won’t ginger
CVCV	telu walu wale wesu sera wisa suma toro sela weru waha tusa solo	three eight house sate fish where tongue can big new fire cat lamp
CVVCV	kooko poopo	chicken coconut
CVCVCV	kanawu sapatu pahagi kapaya tumuli mapulu marisa	fall shoe knife papaya drop in ten chili
CVCVCVC	maharem tumekel raharen papatil	hungry sleep vegetable sword
CVCVCCVC	mawangker tumingkas lumongkot tomantes	seller run down tomato

2.5       Minimal Pairs

According to Wikipedia, Minimal pairs are pairs of words or phrases in a particular language, which differ in only one phonological element. They are used to demonstrate that two phones constitute two separate phonemes in the language.

            In Toulour language, there are some examples of minimal pair:

·                 /k / - /p/

                        /kooko/ - ‘chicken’

                        /poopo/ - ‘coconut’

·                 /r/ - /w/

                        /toro/ - ‘can’

                        /towo/ - ‘lie’

·                 /n/ - /s/

/numa/ - ‘garden’

/suma/ - ‘tongue’

·                 /l/ - /r/

/ules/ - ‘blanket’

/ure/ - ‘old’

·                 /t/ - /k/

/tou/ - ‘people’

/kou/ - ‘you’

2.6       Supra-segmental Phonemes

            Supra-segmental sounds is the sounds that have segmental sounds. Sounds supra-segmental can to classification in features while to speech. There features of speech is (prosodic features).

2.6.1       Pitch

The pitch is a rising and low of sounds segmental that speech with a rising vibrate frequency and certainly with suore-segmental sounds with features of rising prosodic.

·                 Rising sounds, the sign of this sounds is [..’..] for example:

[ko’okó] “chicken”, [wale] “house”

·                 Flat sounds, the sign of this sounds is [..-..] for example:

[kōu] “you”, [torō] “can”

·                 Low sounds, the sign of this sounds ⦋..`..⦌ for example:

[Numó’onot] “drink”, [kó’oko] “chicken”

·                 Rising-low sounds, the sign of this sounds ⦋...̌..⦌ for example:

[mapulǔ] “ten”, [numă] “garden”

2.6.2       Stress

            In linguistics, stress is the relative emphasis that may be given to certain syllables in a word, or to certain words in a phrase or sentence. The term is also used for similar patterns of phonetic prominence inside syllables. The word "accent" is often used with this sense, but it may be used for other kinds of prominence; stress specifically may thus be called stress accent or dynamic accent.

            The stress placed on syllables within words is called word stress or lexical stress. The stress placed on words within sentences is called sentence stress or prosodic stress. The latter is one of the three components of prosody, along with rhythm and intonation (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Stress). These are some examples stress of Toulour language:

·                 Lour [lour] ‘lake’

·                 Rimbun [rimbun] ‘dark’

·                 Solo [solo] ‘lamp’

·                 Kapaya [kapaya] ‘papaya’

·                 Tusa [tusa] ‘cat’

·                 Waha [waha] ‘fire’

·                 Kaput [kaput] ‘cassava’

·                 Sapatu [shoe] ‘shoe’

·                 Pokol [pokol] ‘short’

·                 Rakek [rakek] ‘edge’

2.6.3       Juncture

            Juncture, in linguistics, is the manner of moving (transition) or mode of relationship between two consecutive sounds. It is the relationship between two successive syllables in speech. A juncture is, formally, a suprasegmental phonemic cue, a means by which a listener can distinguish between two otherwise identical sequences of sounds that have different meanings (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Juncture). There are the examples juncture of Toulour language:

·                   Rumem + bek             = rumembek ‘cry’

·                   We + ru                       = weru ‘new’

·                   Ku + mantar                = kumantar ‘sing’

·                   Ma + upi                     = maupi ‘angry’

·                   Lumong + kot                         = lumongkot ‘up’

·                   Mapa + ayang                         = mapaayang ‘work’

·                   Rong + kit                   = rongkit ‘thief’

·                   To + wo                       = towo ‘lie’

·                   Ro + it                         = roit ‘money’

·                   Paha + gi                     = pahagi ‘knife’

2.6.4       Tone

            Tone is the use of pitch in language to distinguish lexical or grammatical meaning – that is, to distinguish or to inflect words. All verbal languages use pitch to express emotional and other paralinguistic information and to convey emphasis, contrast, and other such features in what is called intonation, but not all languages use tones to distinguish words or their inflections, analogously to consonants and vowels. Such tonal phonemes are sometimes called tonemes [ˈtəʊniːm], where each toneme is a lexically distinct variant of the same phoneme, that is phonetically distinguished from other tonemes only by the tone of the vowel. Tonal languages are extremely common in Africa, East Asia, and Central America, but rare elsewhere in Asia and in Europe; as many as seventy percent of world languages may be tonal.

            In many tonal African languages, such as most Bantu languages, tones are distinguished by their pitch level relative to each other, known as a register tone system. In multisyllable words, a single tone may be carried by the entire word, rather than a different tone on each syllable. Often grammatical information, such as past versus present, "I" versus "you", or positive versus negative, is conveyed solely by tone.

            In the most widely-spoken tonal language, Mandarin Chinese, tones are distinguished by their distinctive shape, known as contour, with each tone having a different internal pattern of rising and falling pitch. Words are often monosyllabic, and many words are differentiated solely by tone; in a multisyllabic word each syllable often carries its own tone. Unlike in Bantu systems, tone plays little role in modern Chinese grammar, though the tones descend from features in Old Chinese that did have morphological significance (e.g. changing a verb to a noun or vice-versa).

            Contour systems are typical of languages of the Mainland Southeast Asia linguistic area, including Tai–Kadai, Vietic and Sino-Tibetan languages, while the Afroasiatic, Nilo-Saharan, Khoi-San and Niger-Congo languages of Africa are dominated by register systems. Some languages combine both systems, such as Cantonese, which produces three varieties of contour tone at three different pitch levels, or the Omotic (Afroasiatic) language Bench, which employs five level tones and one or two rising tones across levels.

            Many languages use tone in a more limited way. Somali, for example, may only have one high tone per word. In Japanese, fewer than half of the words have drop in pitch; words contrast according to which syllable this drop follows. Such minimal systems are sometimes called pitch accent, since they are reminiscent of stress accent languages which typically allow one principal stressed syllable per word. However, there is debate over the definition of pitch accent, and whether a coherent definition is even possible (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Tone).

2.6.5       Intonation

            In linguistics, intonation is variation of spoken pitch that is not used to distinguish words; instead it is used for a range of functions such as indicating the attitudes and emotions of the speaker, signalling the difference between statements and questions, and between different types of question, focusing attention on important elements of the spoken message and also helping to regulate conversational interaction. It contrasts with tone, in which pitch variation in some languages does distinguish words, either lexically or grammatically. (The term tone is used by some British writers in their descriptions of intonation, but this is to refer to the pitch movement found on the nucleus or tonic syllable in an intonation unit – see Intonation in English: British Analyses of English Intonation, below).

            Although intonation is primarily a matter of pitch variation, it is important to be aware that functions attributed to intonation such as the expression of attitudes and emotions, or highlighting aspects of grammatical structure, almost always involve concomitant variation in other prosodic features. Crystal for example says that "intonation is not a single system of contours and levels, but the product of the interaction of features from different prosodic systems – tone, pitch-range, loudness, rhythmicality and tempo in particular" (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Intonation
).

2.6.6       Syllable

            Syllable thus meaning a handful [of letters] is a unit of organization for a sequence of speech sounds. For example, the word water is composed of two syllables: wa and ter. A syllable is typically made up of a syllable nucleus (most often a vowel) with optional initial and final margins (typically, consonants).

Syllables are often considered the phonological "building blocks" of words. They can influence the rhythm of a language, its prosody, its poetic meter and its stress patterns.

            Syllabic writing began several hundred years before the first letters. The earliest recorded syllables are on tablets written around 2800 BC in the Sumerian city of Ur. This shift from pictograms to syllables has been called "the most important advance in the history of writing".

            A word that consists of a single syllable (like English dog) is called a monosyllable (and is said to be monosyllabic). Similar terms include disyllable (and disyllabic) for a word of two syllables; trisyllable (and trisyllabic) for a word of three syllables; and polysyllable (and polysyllabic), which may refer either to a word of more than three syllables or to any word of more than one syllable (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Syllable).

            Some examples :

Two syllable :

ð

[pokol] – ‘short’

onset                       coda

nucleus          coda

rime

nucleus            coda

P               O                   K           O              L

ð

 [rakek] – ‘edge’

onset                       coda

nucleus          coda

rime

nucleus            coda

R              A                   K           E               K

            Three Syllable :

ð

            [Tumeles] – ‘buy’

onset                       coda

nucleus          coda

rime

nucleus          coda

rime

nucleus            coda

T               U                  M           E               L          E              S

            [Wakekes] – ‘bunch’

ð

           

onset                       coda

nucleus          coda

rime

nucleus          coda

rime

nucleus            coda

W             A                  K            E               K          E              S

2.7       Distinctive Features of Phonemes

            We are generally not aware of the phonetic properties or features that distinguish the phonemes of our language. Phonetics provides the means to describe the phones (sounds) of language, showing how they are produced and how they vary. Phonology tells us how various sounds form patterns to create phonemes and their allophones. When a feature distinguishes one phoneme from another, hence a word from another, it is distinctive feature or, equivalently, a phonetic feature.

2.8            Phonetic and Phonemic Transcription of Toulour Language

            Having seen how non-distinctive properties of segment are factored out by phonological analysis, we can now compare the transcription use for segmental for phonological representation with phonetic transcription the following examples show this difference for the classes of sounds in Toulour language that we have examined so far.

2.8.1       Phonetic Transcription

·                 [p] : punti        /punti/                         ‘banana’

·                 [k] : kaput       /kaput/             ‘cassava’

·                 [m] : meros     /meros/            ‘down’

·                 [ᵑ] : waang      /wa’aᵑ/              ‘tooth’

2.8.2    Phonemic Transcription

·                 [t] : tandey      /tandei/            ‘corn’

·                 [k] : kow         /kou/                ‘you’

·                 [w] : wuug      /wuuk/             ‘hair’

·                 [n] :nepad       /nepat/                         ‘four’

CHAPTER III

CLOSING

3.1       Conclusion

            Indonesia is one of states in the world which has many ethnics. Each ethnic has its own language or mother tongue. Nowadays, many teenagers in Indonesia do not know their own ethnic language. For example in the Minahasa, most of the teenagers cannot speak in Toulour  language. Although they cannot speak in Toulour, they still use the accent or dialect of this language.

Language is a vital thing that must be known by people as the user of language. Every language in Indonesia has its own dialect which is protected by UUD 1945. According to UUD 1945 chapter XV point 26 stated that, “in the region which has own language which is tended by all the societies very well, these language will be respected and tended by the nations.” Minahasa has its own language which known as Toulour language. It should be protected and used by the people of Minahasa.

Nowadays, most of the teenagers in Minahasa cannot speak in gheir  language. There are some reasons which cause this condition. First, the parents do not teach their children Toulour language. The parents never talk in Toulour when talking with their children. As a result, when their children grow up, they cannot speak in Toulour. They just speak in informal Indonesian language with the Toulour accent or dialect. Second, the teenagers think it is hard for them to pronounce the Minahasa language because they do not speak in Toulour since they were kids. Third, the teenagers think Toulour language is not for them, but for the adults. They also think this language is used only in ceremonial tradition.

As a teenager from Minahasa, we have to try to learn Toulour language even it is a bit difficult for me. By learning this language, we can understand the second reason above. We feel it is very difficult for us to speak in Toulour language, especially in pronunciation. The first reason why we cannot speak in Toulour is we do not have enough friends who can speak in Toulour. The second reason is because of the place where we live. We live in Manado which the language and the dialect are different from Minahasa.

Toulour language is being forgotten today. The teenagers as the young generation even do not want to learn about their own language. As the people of Minahasa, we should protect this language. If we do not do that, Toulour language will be disappeared.

REFERENCE

en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Consonant

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Diphtong

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Minimal_pair

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Minahasa_people

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Vowel

http://grammar.about.com/od/c/g/Consonant-Cluster-Cc.htm

Lalamentik, W. H. C. M., et al. 1986. GeografiDialekBahasaTombulu, Jakarta: PusatPembinaan Dan PengembanganBahasaDepartemenPendidikan Dan Kebudayaan

Minahasa website (English and Indonesian language)

Paul Richard Renwarin, Matuari Wo Tonaas (Jakarta, Indonesia: Penerbit Cahaya pineleng, 2007), p. 35