PHONETICS AND
PHONEMICS DISCUSSION OF TOULOUR LANGUAGE
Presented
as Final Assignment of Phonology
By
Elrick R. Tendean (13091102024)
SAM RATULANGI UNIVERSITY
FACULTY
OF CULTURAL SCIENCES
MANADO
2014
MANADO
2014
PREFACE
The
writers want to deliver their grateful acknowledgment to the ever gracious and
awesome God, without Him the writers could not be able to finish this final
assignment entitled: “Phonetics and Phonemics Discussion of Toulour Language”.
This
assignment has drawn on the support of the wonderful supervisor, to whom the
writers want to convey their salute, Donald Lotulung, S.S., M.Hum as the
material and technical supervisor. Not forgetting to thank the informants and
all people who really helped the writers doing this assignment.
Finally,
the writer realize that this is way distant from perfect, thus the writers will
kindly accept suggestion, advice, and criticism for the improvement of this
study. Thank you.
Manado, Juni 2014
Ricko Tendean
CHAPTER I
INTRODUCTION
1.1 Phonology
Phonology is a branch of linguistics
concerned with the systematic organization of sounds in languages.
It has traditionally focused largely on study of the systems of phonemes in
particular languages
(and therefore used to be also called phonemics, or phonematics),
but it may also cover any linguistic analysis either at a level beneath
the word (including syllable, onset and rhyme,
articulatory gestures, articulatory features,
mora, etc.) or at all levels of language where sound is considered
to be structured for conveying linguistic meaning. Phonology also includes the
study of equivalent organizational systems in sign
languages.
The word phonology
(as in the phonology of English) can also refer
to the phonological system (sound system) of a given language. This is one of
the fundamental systems which a language is considered to comprise, like its syntax and its vocabulary.
Phonology is
often distinguished from phonetics. While phonetics concerns the physical
production, acoustic transmission and perception
of the sounds of speech,[1][2]
phonology describes the way sounds function within a given language or across
languages to encode meaning. For many linguists, phonetics belongs to descriptive linguistics, and phonology to theoretical linguistics, although
establishing the phonological system of a language is necessarily an
application of theoretical principles to analysis of phonetic evidence. Note
that this distinction was not always made, particularly before the development
of the modern concept of phoneme in the mid 20th century. Some subfields of modern
phonology have a crossover with phonetics in descriptive disciplines such as psycholinguistics
and speech perception, resulting in specific areas
like articulatory phonology or laboratory phonology.
1.2 Phonetics
Phonetics is a branch of linguistics that comprises the study of the sounds of human speech, or—in the case of sign languages—the equivalent aspects of sign.[1] It is concerned with the physical properties of speech
sounds or signs (phones): their physiological production,
acoustic properties, auditory perception, and neurophysiological status. Phonology, on the other hand, is concerned with the abstract,
grammatical characterization of systems of sounds or signs.
The
field of phonetics is a multilayered subject of linguistics that focuses on speech. In the case of oral languages there
are three basic areas of study:
1.2.1 Articulatory Phonetics
Is
the study of the production of speech sounds by the articulatory and vocal
tract by the speaker.
Is
the study of the physical transmission of speech sounds from the speaker to the
listener.
Is
the study of the reception and perception of speech sounds by the listener.
1.3 Phonemics
Phonemic is the study of sound
patterns language. Part of one’s knowledge of a language is knowledge ogthephonology
about phonetic sound and the way in which they patterns. The patterning
determines in the inventory of phonemes the abstract basic units that
differeniate words.
1.4 Native
Language
The Minahasa (alternative
spelling: Minahassa or Mina
hasa) are n ethnic group located in the North
Sulawesi province of Indonesia,
formerly known as North Celebes. They are the second most populous ethnic group
in the Minahassa Peninsula, after the Gorontaloans. The Minahasa speak Minahasan languages and Manado
Malay (also known as Minahasa
Malay), a language closely related to the Malay
language.
Minahasa Raya is the
area covering Bitung City, Manado City, Tomohon City, Minahasa Regency, North Minahasa Regency, South Minahasa Regency and Southeast Minahasa Regency, which are
altogether seven of the fifteen regional administrations in the province of
North Sulawesi, Indonesia.
Originally inhabited
by Nuclear Malayo-Polynesian languages-speaking
peoples, the region was colonized in the 16th century by the Portuguese and Spanish, then in the
17th century by the Dutch. In
the Dutch
East Indies the Minahasa
people identified strongly with the Dutch language, culture and the Protestant faith — so strongly, in fact, that
when Indonesia became independent in 1945 certain factions of political elites
of the region even pleaded with the Dutch to let it become a province of the
Netherlands. The centuries old strong bond between the Minahasa and the
Netherlands has recently been studied and explained using the Stranger
King concept
The name of the land
of Minahasa has been changed several times: Batacina-Malesung-Minaesa and then
finally the current name Minahasa, meaning "becoming one united".
This name dates from the war against the southern Kingdom of Bolaang Mangondow. However, other sources
cite that the original name of Minahasa was Malesung, meaning "paddy
rotary", then changed to Se Mahasa, meaning "they that unite,"
and finally Minahasa, meaning "becoming one united."
North Sulawesi never
developed any large empire. In 670, the leaders of the different tribes, who
all spoke different languages, met by a stone known as Watu Pinawetengan. There
they founded a community of independent states, who would form one unit and
stay together and would fight any outside enemies if they were attacked.
Until well into the 19th century the
Minahasa was made up of rivaling warrior societies that practiced headhunting.
Only during 'Pax Neerlandica' of the formal colonisation of the Dutch
East Indies did the state of
permanent internal warfare and the practice of headhunting subside.
The
Minahasa region of north Sulawesi is thought to have first been inhabited by
humans in the late third and second millennia BC. The Austronesian people originally
inhabited southern China before moving and colonising areas in Taiwan, the
northern Philippines, the southern Philippines, and on to Borneo, Sulawesi, and
the Moluccas.
According to Minahasa
mythology the Minahasans are descendants of Toar and Lumimuut. Initially, the descendants
of Toar-Lumimuutwere divided into 3 groups: Makatelu-pitu (three times seven), Makarua-siouw (two times nine) and Pasiowan-Telu (nine times three). They multiplied
quickly. But soon there were disputes among these people. Their leaders named Tona'as then decided to meet and talk about
this. They met in Awuan (north of the current Tonderukan hill). That meeting
was called Pinawetengan u-nuwu (dividing of language) or Pinawetengan
um-posan (dividing of
ritual). At that meeting the descendants were divided into three groups named
Tonsea, Tombulu, and Tontemboan corresponding to the groups mentioned above. At
the place where this meeting took place a memorial stone called Watu
Pinabetengan (Stone of
Dividing) was then built. It is a favourite tourist destination.
The groups Tonsea,
Tombulu, and Tontemboan then established their main territories which were
Maiesu, Niaranan, and Tumaratas respectively. Soon several villages were
established outside these territories. These new villages then became a ruling
center of a group of villages called puak, later walak,
comparable to the present-day district.
Subsequently a new
group of people arrived in Pulisan peninsula. Due to numerous conflicts in this
area, they then moved inland and established villages surrounding a large lake.
These people were therefore called Tondano, Toudano or Toulour (meaning water
people). This lake is now the Tondano lake
In the following
years, more groups came to Minahasa. There were:
·
people from the islands of Maju and
Tidore who landed in Atep. These people were the ancestors of the subethnic
Tonsawang.
·
people from Tomori Bay. These were the
ancestors of the subethnic Pasam-bangko (Ratahan dan Pasan)
·
people from Bolaang Mangondow who were
the ancestors of Ponosakan (Belang).
·
people from the Bacan archipelago and
Sangi, who then occupied Lembeh, Talisei Island, Manado Tua, Bunaken and
Mantehage. These were the subethnic Bobentehu (Bajo). They landed in the place
now called Sindulang. They then established a kingdom called Manado which ended
in 1670 and became walak Manado.
·
people from Toli-toli, who in the early
18th century landed first in Panimburan and then went to Bolaang-Mangondow
·
and finally to the place where
Malalayang is now located. These people were the ancestors of the subethnic
Bantik.
These are the nine
sub-ethnic groups in Minahasa, which explains the number 9 in Manguni
Maka-siouw:
·
Tonsea,
·
Tombulu,
·
Tontemboan,
·
Tondano (Toulour),
·
Tonsawang,
·
Pasan Ratahan (Bentenan),
·
Ponosakan,
·
Babontehu,
·
Bantik.
Eight of these ethnic
groups are also separate linguistic groups.
The name Minahasa
itself arose at the time the Minahasans fought against Bolaang Mangondow. Among
the Minahasan heroes in these wars against Bolaang Mangondow are: Porong,
Wenas, Dumanaw and Lengkong (in the war near Lilang village), Gerungan,
Korengkeng, Walalangi (near Panasen, Tondano), Wungkar, Sayow, Lumi, and
Worotikan (in the war along Amurang Bay).
Until
the dominance of Dutch influence in the 17th and 18th century the Minahassans
lived in warrior societies that practised headhunting.
Ancient Minahasa
society was both competitive and egalitarian. Important Walian (religious shaman) were often female
and Minahasa culture does not show any particular discrimination against women.
Important decisions concerning the community were made in a democratic manner.
Due to the virtual equality in birth a persons rise in status was mainly
dependent on personal achievements and the expression of personal virtues.
Leadership positions
and higher status were acquired via two main mechanisms: the deployment of
wealth and the show of bravery. The first was achieved via 'Status selematans',
ceremonial feasts called Foso and the latter originally via
successful headhunting.
Headhunting helped
the warrior gain a religious concept called 'Keter', which is similar to the
Malay term 'Semangat' and means Soul/spirit substance. This spiritual and
physical force is expressed as courage, eloquence, virility and fertility. Even
without the actual practice of headhunting and other old traditions and customs
these core elements of original Minahasa culture are still held in high regard.
To this day the deployment of wealth, bravery, obstinacy and the eloquence of
verbal resistance are important to social mobility in the Minahasa.
In the Minahasa, 5
distinct languages are spoken : Tonsawang, Tontemboan, Toulour, Tonsea and Tombulu. In 1996, the Summer
Institute of Linguistics in Dallas, published
theNorth Sulawesi Language Survey by Scott Merrifield and Martinus
Salea. It gives an overview of the classification and distribution of the
languages, based on a detailed study of the phonology and vocabulary.
Influences of
Portuguese, Spanish and Dutch can be found in the Indonesian dialect of the
Minahasa (Manado Malay or
Minahasa Malay): Chair in Indonesian is kursi,
in the Minahasa its called kadera (cadera - Spanish
word for hip; cadeira - Portuguese word for chair).
Horse in Indonesian is kuda,
a word of Sanscrit origin. In the town of Tomohon, a horse
is called kafalio (caballo - Spanish, cavalo - Portuguese).
CHAPTER II
CONTENTS
2.1 Vowels
Vowel is a sound in spoken language, such
as an English ah! [ɑː] or oh! [oʊ],
pronounced with an open vocal tract so that there is no build-up of air
pressure at any point above the glottis. This
contrasts with consonants,
such as English sh! [ʃː], where
there is a constriction or closure at some point along the vocal tract. A vowel
is also understood to be syllabic: an
equivalent open but non-syllabic sound is called a semivowel.
In
all oral
languages, vowels form the nucleus or peak of syllables, whereas consonants form the onset and (in languages that have them) coda.
However, some languages also allow other sounds to form the nucleus of a
syllable, such as the syllabic l in the English word table [ˈteɪ.bl̩] (the stroke under the l indicates that it is syllabic; the dot
separates syllables), or the r in Serbo-Croatian vrt [vr̩t] "garden".
There
is a conflict between the phonetic definition of "vowel" (a sound
produced with no constriction in the vocal tract) and the phonological
definition (a sound that forms the peak of a syllable). The approximants [j] and [w] illustrate this conflict:
both are produced without much of a constriction in the vocal tract (so
phonetically they seem to be vowel-like), but they occur on the edge of
syllables, such as at the beginning of the English words "yet" and
"wet" (which suggests that phonologically they are consonants). The
American linguist Kenneth
Pike (1943) suggested the
terms "vocoid" for a phonetic vowel and "vowel" for a
phonological vowel, so using this
terminology, [j] and [w] are
classified as vocoids but not vowels. However, Maddieson and Emmory (1985)
demonstrated from a range of languages that semivowels are produced with a
narrower constriction of the vocal tract than vowels, and so may be considered
consonants on that basis.
The
word vowel comes from the Latin word vocalis, meaning “speaking”, because in
most languages words and thus speech are not possible without vowels. In
English,
the word vowel is commonly used to mean both vowel
sounds and the written symbols that represent them.
Vocal Alphabets
|
Begin
|
Middle
|
End
|
[a]
|
asu
|
nae
noat
kahawiin
kuman
nepat
walu
mapulu
wale
mapepereng
maharem
mangemong
nyaku
labung
tendey
raharen
marisa
kalibong
makiit
lalan
sesepunan
waang
lawas
nae
raai
wanua
kanawu
sumawang
papatil
mawangker
kumelang
tumingkas
wakekes
pahagi
mapaayang
maupi
kumantar
kebuan
katembo
rakek
sapatu
kaput
waha
kapaya
|
rua
nesa
lima
numa
sea
sera
marisa
wisa
suma
wanua
sela
waha
tusa
kapaya
lia
|
[i]
|
tia
kahawiin
lima
pitu
siou
wisa
wiay
makiit
tiey
tia
timboyen
roit
rongkit
lia
|
punti
tumuli
raai
pahagi
maupi
loloi
|
|
[u]
|
ure
ules
|
rua
kuman
mapulu
tumuli
tumekel
tumor
lunteng
suma
empung
wanua
wuter
sumawang
tumeles
kumelang
tumingkas
lumongkot
maupi
kumantar
rumembek
kembuan
kaput
tusa
rimbun
|
kou
pitu
telu
walu
mapulu
wesu
asu
nyaku
kou
tou
weru
|
[e]
|
empung
|
sea
nesa
telu
nepat
tumekel
mapepereng
maharem
wesu
mangemong
sea
tewi
sera
rahare
tomantes
tiey
weren
sesepunan
lunteng
timboyen
wuter
tumeles
mawangker
kumelang
ules
wakekes
sela
rintek
meros
weru
rumembek
kembuan
katembo
rekek
|
nae
wale
|
[o]
|
opo
|
poot
noat
siou
numoonot
momoondo
woondo
kooko
kou
tomantes
loloi
kalibong
poopo
tou
tumor
rookos
poot
timboyen
toro
roit
towo
meros
lumongkot
pokol
solo
lour
|
poopo
momoondo
woondo
kooko
toro
towo
katembo
solo
|
2.1.1
Monophthong
Monophthong is a pure vowel sound, one
whose articulation at both beginning and end is relatively fixed, and which
does not glide
up or down towards a new position of articulation. The monophthongs can be
contrasted with diphthongs, where the vowel quality changes within the same
syllable, and hiatus, where two vowels are next to each
other in different syllables (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/diphthong).
There are no monophtongs in Toulour language.
2.1.2 Diphtong
Diphthong,
also known as a gliding vowel, refers to two adjacent vowel sounds
occurring within the same syllable. Technically, a diphthong is a vowel with two
different targets: that is, the tongue (and/or other parts of the speech
apparatus) moves during the pronunciation of the vowel. For most dialects
of English, the phrase "no highway cowboys"
contains five distinct diphthongs.
Diphthongs
contrast with monophthongs, where the tongue or other speech organs do
not move significantly and the syllable contains only a single vowel sound.
Where two adjacent vowel sounds occur in different syllables—for example, in
the English word re-elect—the result is described as hiatus, not as a diphthong.
Diphthongs
often form when separate vowels are run together in rapid speech during a
conversation. However, there are also unitary diphthongs, as in the English
examples above, which are heard by listeners as single-vowel sounds (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Diphthong).
a.
Rising Diphtong
Rising (or ascending) diphthongs begin with a
less prominent semivowel and end with a more prominent full vowel.
Below are three examples of rising diphthong that included in some words in
Tombulu language
·
Diphthong [ei]: “tandei”
·
Diphthong [oi]: “loloi”
·
Diphthong [ai]: “wiai”
·
Diphthong [ou]: “lour”
·
Diphthong [au]: “maupi”
b.
Falling Diphthong
Falling (or descending)
diphthongs start with a vowel quality of higher prominence (higher
pitch or volume) and end in a semivowel with less prominence.
·
Diphthong [ua]:
“rua”
·
Diphthong [io]:
“siou”
·
Diphthong [ia]:
“wiai”
2.1.3 Triphthong
Triphthong is a monosyllabic
vowel
combination involving a quick but smooth movement of the articulator from one
vowel quality to another that passes over a third. While "pure"
vowels, or monophthongs,
are said to have one target articulator position, diphthongs
have two, and triphthongs three
(en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Triphthong). In Toulour language, there are no
triphthongs.
2.2 Consonant
Consonant is a speech
sound that is articulated with complete or partial closure of the vocal tract.
Examples are [p], pronounced with the lips; [t], pronounced with the front of the tongue; [k],
pronounced with the back of the tongue; [h], pronounced
in the throat; [f] and [s],
pronounced by forcing air through a narrow channel (fricatives);
and [m] and [n], which have air
flowing through the nose (nasals). Contrasting with consonants are vowels.
Since the
number of possible sounds in all of the world's languages is much greater than
the number of letters in any one alphabet, linguists have devised systems such as the International Phonetic Alphabet (IPA)
to assign a unique and unambiguous symbol to each attested consonant. In fact, the English
alphabet has fewer consonant letters than English has consonant sounds, so digraphs like "ch", "sh",
"th", and "zh" are used to extend the alphabet, and some
letters and digraphs represent more than one consonant. For example, the sound
spelled "th" in "this" is a different consonant than the
"th" sound in "thin". (In the IPA they are transcribed [ð] and [θ], respectively).
2.1.1 Place of Aticulation
In
articulatory phonetics, the place of articulation (also point of articulation) of a consonant is
the point of contact where an obstruction
occurs in the vocal tract between an articulatory gesture, an active articulator
(typically some part of the tongue), and a passive location (typically some
part of the roof of the mouth). Along with the manner of articulation and the phonation,
this gives the consonant its distinctive sound.
The
terminology in this article has been developed to precisely describe all the
consonants in all the world's spoken languages. No known language distinguishes
all of the places described here, so less precision is needed to distinguish
the sounds of a particular language
(http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Place_of_articulation).
a. Bilabials
[p]
[b] [m] When we produce a [p] [b], or [m] we articulate by bringing both lips
together.
b.
Labiodentals
[f] [v] We also use our lips to form
[f] and [v]. We articulate these sounds by touching the bottom lip to the upper
teeth.
c.
Interdental
[ө] [ð] These sounds, both spelled th, are pronounced by inserting the tip
of the tongue between the teeth. However, for some speakers the tongue merel
touches behind the teeth, making a sound more correctly called dental.
d.
Alveolars
[t] [d] [n] [s] [z] [l] [r] All seven of these sounds are pronounced with
the tongue raised in various ways to the alveolar ridge.
e.
Palatals
[ʃ] [ʒ] [tʃ] [dʒ] [j] For these
sounds, which occur in mission, measure, cheap, judge, and yoyo, the constriction occurs by raising
the front part of the tongue to the palate.
f.
Velars
[k] [g] [ᵑ] Another class of sounds is produced by
raising the back of the tongue to the soft palate or velum. The initial and
final sounds of the words kick and gig and final sounds of the words back, bag, and bang are all velar sounds.
g.
Uvulars
[R] [q] [G] Uvular sounds are produced by raising back of the
tongue to the uvula, the fleshy protuberance that hangs down in the back of our
throats. The r in French is often a
uvular trill symbolized by [R]. The
uvular sounds [q] and [G] occur in Arabic. These sounds do not ordinarily occur
in English.
h.
Glottals
[h] [?] The sound of [h] is from the
flow of air through the open glottis, and past the tongue and lips as
they prepare to pronounce a vowel sound, which always follows [h].
Consonant Alphabets
|
Begin
|
Middle
|
End
|
[p]
|
punti
pitu
poopo
poot
papatil
pahagi
pokol
|
nepat
mapulu
mapepereng
poopo
sesepunan
empung
papatil
mapaayang
sapatu
kaput
kapaya
|
|
[b]
|
labung
kalibong
tomboyen
kembuan
rumembek
katembo
rimbun
|
||
[m]
|
momoondo
maharem
mapepereng
mapulu
mangemong
marisa
makiit
mapaayang
meros
maupi
|
momoondo
kuman
numa
tumuli
numoonot
tumekel
mangemong
tomantes
tumoor
suma
empung
timboyen
sumawang
tumeles
kumelang
tumingkas
lumongkot
kumantar
rumembek
kembuan
katembo
rimbun
|
nenem
|
[t]
|
telu
tumuli
tumekel
tewi
tandey
tomantes
tou
tiey
tia
timboyen
tumeles
tumingkas
towo
tusa
|
punti
tomantes
lunteng
wuter
papatil
rintek
kumantar
katembo
sapatu
|
noat
nepat
numoonot
makiit
poot
roit
lumongkot
|
[d]
|
momondo
Woondo
Tandey
|
||
[n]
|
noat
nenem
numoonot
nae
nyaku
|
momoondo
woondo
nenem
numoonot
tandey
punti
tomantes
sesepunan
lunteng
wanua
kanawu
kumantar
|
kahawiin
kuman
raharen
lalan
sesepunan
timboyen
kembuan
rimbun
|
[s]
|
siou
sea
serasesepunan
suma
sumawang
sela
sapatu
solo
|
nesa
wesu
marisa
wisa
sesepunan
tusa
|
tomantes
rookos
lawas
tumeles
ules
|
[r]
|
rua
raharen
rookos
raai
roit
rumembek
rakek
rimbun
|
mapepereng
maharem
raharen
marisa
weren
|
wuter
Lour
|
[k]
|
kahawiin
kuman
kalibong
kanawu
kumantar
katembo
kapaya
kou
|
tumekel
nyaku
rookos
mawangker
tumingkas
wakekes
rongkit
lumongkot
rakek
mawangker
tumingkas
lumongkot
|
wuuk
rumembek
rakek
|
2.1.2
Manner of
Articulation
In
articulatory phonetics, the manner of articulation is the
configuration and interaction of the articulators (speech
organs such as the tongue, lips, and palate) when making a speech
sound. One parameter of manner is stricture, that is, how closely
the speech organs approach one another. Others include those involved in the r-like
sounds (taps and trills),
and the sibilancy
of fricatives.
The
concept of manner is mainly used in discussion of consonants,
although the movement of the articulators will also greatly alter the resonant
properties of the vocal tract, thereby changing the formant structure
of speech sounds that is crucial for the identification of vowels. For
consonants, the place of articulation and the degree of phonation of
voicing are considered separately from manner, as being independent parameters.
Homorganic consonants, which have the same
place of articulation, may have different manner of articulation. Often nasality
and laterality are included in manner, but some
phoneticians, such as Peter Ladefoged, consider them to be independent (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Manner_of_articulation).
a.
Stops
[p] [b] [m] [t] [d] [n] [k] [g] [ᵑ]
[tʃ] [dʒ] [?] We are seeing finer and finer distinctions of speech sounds.
However, both [t] and [s] are voiceless, alveolar, oral sounds. What
distinguishes them ? After all, tack and
sack are different words.
b.
Fricatives
[f] [v] [ө] [ð] [s] [z] [ʃ] [ʒ] [x] [Ɣ]
[h] In the production of some continuents, the airflow is so severaly
obstructed that it causes friction, and the sounds are therefore called
fricatives. The first of of the following pairs of fricatives are voiceless;
the second voiced.
c.
Africatives
[tʃ] [dʒ] These soundsare produced by
a stop closure followed immediately by a gradual release of the closure that
produces an effect characteristic of fricative. The palatal sounds that begin
and end the words church and judge are voiceless and voice affricates,
respectively. Affricates are not continuants because of the intial stop
closure.
d.
Glides
[j]
[w] The sounds [j] and [w], the initial sounds of you and we, are produce with little obstruction of
the airstream. They are always followed directly by a vowel and do not occur at
the end of words (don’t be fooled by spelling; words ending in y or w
like say and saw end in a vowel sound). After articulating [j] or [w], the
toungue glides quickly into place for pronouncing the next vowel, hence the
term glide.
Consonant Alphabets
|
Begin
|
Middle
|
End
|
[p]
|
punti
pitu
poopo
poot
papatil
pahagi
pokol
|
nepat
mapulu
mapepereng
poopo
sesepunan
empung
papatil
mapaayang
sapatu
kaput
kapaya
|
|
[b]
|
labung
kalibong
tomboyen
kembuan
rumembek
katembo
rimbun
|
||
[m]
|
momoondo
maharem
mapepereng
mapulu
mangemong
marisa
makiit
mapaayang
meros
maupi
|
momoondo
kuman
numa
tumuli
numoonot
tumekel
mangemong
tomantes
tumoor
suma
empung
timboyen
sumawang
tumeles
kumelang
tumingkas
lumongkot
kumantar
rumembek
kembuan
katembo
rimbun
|
nenem
|
[t]
|
telu
tumuli
tumekel
tewi
tandey
tomantes
tou
tiey
tia
timboyen
tumeles
tumingkas
towo
tusa
|
punti
tomantes
lunteng
wuter
papatil
rintek
kumantar
katembo
sapatu
|
noat
nepat
numoonot
makiit
poot
roit
lumongkot
|
[d]
|
momondo
Woondo
Tandey
|
||
[n]
|
noat
nenem
numoonot
nae
nyaku
|
momoondo
woondo
nenem
numoonot
tandey
punti
tomantes
sesepunan
lunteng
wanua
kanawu
kumantar
|
kahawiin
kuman
raharen
lalan
sesepunan
timboyen
kembuan
rimbun
|
[k]
|
kahawiin
kuman
kalibong
kanawu
kumantar
katembo
kapaya
kou
|
tumekel
nyaku
rookos
mawangker
tumingkas
wakekes
rongkit
lumongkot
rakek
mawangker
tumingkas
lumongkot
|
wuuk
rumembek
rakek
|
2.3 Phonemes
Phoneme is a basic unit of a language's phonology,
which is combined with other phonemes to form meaningful units such as words or morphemes. The
phoneme can be described as "The smallest contrastive linguistic unit
which may bring about a change of meaning".[1]
In this way the difference in meaning between the English words kill and
kiss is a result of the exchange of the phoneme /l/
for the phoneme /s/. Two words that differ in meaning
through a contrast of a single phoneme form a minimal
pair.
Within linguistics
there are differing views as to exactly what phonemes are and how a given
language should be analyzed in phonemic (or phonematic) terms.
However, a phoneme is generally regarded as an abstraction
of a set (or equivalence class) of speech sounds (phones) which are perceived as equivalent
to each other in a given language. For example, in English, the "k"
sounds in the words kit and skill are not identical (as described
below),
but they are distributional variants of a single phoneme /k/.
Different speech sounds that are realizations of the same phoneme are known as allophones.
Allophonic variation may be conditioned, in which case a certain phoneme is
realized as a certain allophone in particular phonological environments, or it
may be free in which case it may vary randomly. In this way, phonemes are often
considered to constitute an abstract underlying representation for words,
while speech sounds make up the corresponding phonetic
realization, or surface form.
There are the distribution of
phonemes in Toulour language:
Consonant Alphabets
|
Begin
|
Middle
|
End
|
[p]
|
punti
pitu
poopo
poot
papatil
pahagi
pokol
|
nepat
mapulu
mapepereng
poopo
sesepunan
empung
papatil
mapaayang
sapatu
kaput
kapaya
|
|
[b]
|
labung
kalibong
tomboyen
kembuan
rumembek
katembo
rimbun
|
||
[m]
|
momoondo
maharem
mapepereng
mapulu
mangemong
marisa
makiit
mapaayang
meros
maupi
|
momoondo
kuman
numa
tumuli
numoonot
tumekel
mangemong
tomantes
tumoor
suma
empung
timboyen
sumawang
tumeles
kumelang
tumingkas
lumongkot
kumantar
rumembek
kembuan
katembo
rimbun
|
nenem
|
[t]
|
telu
tumuli
tumekel
tewi
tandey
tomantes
tou
tiey
tia
timboyen
tumeles
tumingkas
towo
tusa
|
punti
tomantes
lunteng
wuter
papatil
rintek
kumantar
katembo
sapatu
|
noat
nepat
numoonot
makiit
poot
roit
lumongkot
|
[d]
|
Momondo
Woondo
Tandey
|
||
[n]
|
noat
nenem
numoonot
nae
nyaku
|
momoondo
woondo
nenem
numoonot
tandey
punti
tomantes
sesepunan
lunteng
wanua
kanawu
kumantar
|
kahawiin
kuman
raharen
lalan
sesepunan
timboyen
kembuan
rimbun
|
[k]
|
kahawiin
kuman
kalibong
kanawu
kumantar
katembo
kapaya
kou
|
tumekel
nyaku
rookos
mawangker
tumingkas
wakekes
rongkit
lumongkot
|
wuuk
rumembek
rakek
|
[ᵑ]
|
mangemong
mawangker
tumingkas
lumongkot
|
mapepereng
mangemong
kalibong
lunteng
waang
empung
sumawang
mapaayang
|
2.4 Sequence Of Phonemes
The
sequence of Phoneme Speakers of a language know that the phonemes of the
language cannot be strung together in any random order . Suppose you are asked
to form a word from phonemes; /k/, /b/, /l/, /i/.
Phonological System
|
Word
|
Meaning
|
CVV
|
kou
tou
rua
sea
tia
lia
|
you
people
two
they
won’t
ginger
|
CVCV
|
telu
walu
wale
wesu
sera
wisa
suma
toro
sela
weru
waha
tusa
solo
|
three
eight
house
sate
fish
where
tongue
can
big
new
fire
cat
lamp
|
CVVCV
|
kooko
poopo
|
chicken
coconut
|
CVCVCV
|
kanawu
sapatu
pahagi
kapaya
tumuli
mapulu
marisa
|
fall
shoe
knife
papaya
drop in
ten
chili
|
CVCVCVC
|
maharem
tumekel
raharen
papatil
|
hungry
sleep
vegetable
sword
|
CVCVCCVC
|
mawangker
tumingkas
lumongkot
tomantes
|
seller
run
down
tomato
|
2.5 Minimal Pairs
According to Wikipedia, Minimal pairs are pairs of words or
phrases in a particular language,
which differ in only one phonological element. They are used to demonstrate
that two phones constitute two separate phonemes in the language.
In
Toulour language, there are some examples of minimal pair:
·
/k / - /p/
/kooko/ - ‘chicken’
/poopo/ - ‘coconut’
·
/r/ - /w/
/toro/ - ‘can’
/towo/ - ‘lie’
·
/n/ - /s/
/numa/ - ‘garden’
/suma/ - ‘tongue’
·
/l/ - /r/
/ules/ - ‘blanket’
/ure/ - ‘old’
·
/t/ - /k/
/tou/ - ‘people’
/kou/ - ‘you’
2.6 Supra-segmental Phonemes
Supra-segmental
sounds is the sounds that have segmental sounds. Sounds supra-segmental can to
classification in features while to speech. There features of speech is
(prosodic features).
2.6.1
Pitch
The pitch is a rising and low of sounds segmental that
speech with a rising vibrate frequency and certainly with suore-segmental
sounds with features of rising prosodic.
·
Rising sounds,
the sign of this sounds is [..’..] for example:
[ko’okó] “chicken”, [wale] “house”
·
Flat sounds, the
sign of this sounds is [..-..] for example:
[kōu] “you”, [torō] “can”
·
Low sounds, the sign of this sounds ⦋..`..⦌ for example:
[Numó’onot] “drink”, [kó’oko] “chicken”
·
Rising-low sounds, the sign of this sounds ⦋...̌..⦌ for example:
[mapulǔ] “ten”, [numă] “garden”
2.6.2
Stress
In
linguistics,
stress is the relative emphasis
that may be given to certain syllables in a word, or to certain words in a phrase or
sentence. The term is also used for similar patterns of phonetic prominence inside
syllables. The word "accent"
is often used with this sense, but it may be used for other kinds of
prominence; stress specifically may thus be called stress accent or dynamic
accent.
The
stress placed on syllables within words is called word stress or lexical
stress. The stress placed on words within sentences is called sentence stress or prosodic stress. The latter is one of
the three components of prosody,
along with rhythm and intonation
(http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Stress). These are some examples stress of Toulour language:
·
Lour [lour]
‘lake’
·
Rimbun
[rimbun] ‘dark’
·
Solo [solo]
‘lamp’
·
Kapaya
[kapaya] ‘papaya’
·
Tusa
[tusa] ‘cat’
·
Waha [waha]
‘fire’
·
Kaput
[kaput] ‘cassava’
·
Sapatu
[shoe] ‘shoe’
·
Pokol
[pokol] ‘short’
·
Rakek
[rakek] ‘edge’
2.6.3 Juncture
Juncture,
in linguistics,
is the manner of moving (transition) or mode of relationship between two
consecutive sounds. It is the relationship between two successive syllables in
speech. A juncture is, formally, a suprasegmental phonemic cue, a
means by which a listener can distinguish between two otherwise identical
sequences of sounds that have different meanings (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Juncture).
There are the examples juncture of Toulour language:
·
Rumem + bek
= rumembek ‘cry’
·
We + ru =
weru ‘new’
·
Ku + mantar =
kumantar ‘sing’
·
Ma + upi =
maupi ‘angry’
·
Lumong + kot =
lumongkot ‘up’
·
Mapa + ayang =
mapaayang ‘work’
·
Rong + kit =
rongkit ‘thief’
·
To + wo =
towo ‘lie’
·
Ro + it =
roit ‘money’
·
Paha + gi =
pahagi ‘knife’
2.6.4 Tone
Tone
is the use of pitch in language to
distinguish lexical or grammatical meaning – that is, to distinguish or to inflect
words. All verbal languages use pitch to express emotional and other
paralinguistic information and to convey emphasis, contrast, and other such
features in what is called intonation, but not all languages use
tones to distinguish words or their inflections, analogously to consonants and
vowels. Such tonal phonemes are sometimes called tonemes [ˈtəʊniːm], where each toneme is a lexically
distinct variant of the same phoneme, that is phonetically distinguished
from other tonemes only by the tone of the vowel. Tonal languages are extremely
common in Africa, East Asia, and Central America, but rare elsewhere in Asia
and in Europe; as many as seventy percent of world languages may be tonal.
In
many tonal African languages, such as most Bantu
languages, tones are distinguished by their pitch level relative to each
other, known as a register tone
system. In multisyllable words, a single tone may be carried by the entire
word, rather than a different tone on each syllable. Often grammatical
information, such as past versus present, "I" versus "you",
or positive versus negative, is conveyed solely by tone.
In
the most widely-spoken tonal language, Mandarin
Chinese, tones are distinguished by their distinctive shape, known as contour, with each tone having a
different internal pattern of rising and falling pitch. Words are often
monosyllabic, and many words are differentiated solely by tone; in a
multisyllabic word each syllable often carries its own tone. Unlike in Bantu
systems, tone plays little role in modern Chinese grammar, though the tones
descend from features in Old Chinese that did have morphological significance (e.g. changing
a verb to a noun or vice-versa).
Contour
systems are typical of languages of the Mainland Southeast Asia
linguistic area, including Tai–Kadai, Vietic
and Sino-Tibetan
languages, while the Afroasiatic, Nilo-Saharan, Khoi-San and Niger-Congo
languages of Africa are dominated by register systems. Some languages combine
both systems, such as Cantonese, which produces three varieties of contour tone
at three different pitch levels, or the Omotic (Afroasiatic) language Bench,
which employs five level tones and one or two rising tones across levels.
Many
languages use tone in a more limited way. Somali,
for example, may only have one high tone per word. In Japanese, fewer than half of the words have drop in pitch;
words contrast according to which syllable this drop follows. Such minimal
systems are sometimes called pitch accent, since they are reminiscent of stress
accent languages which typically allow one principal stressed syllable per
word. However, there is debate over the definition of pitch accent, and whether
a coherent definition is even possible (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Tone).
2.6.5 Intonation
In
linguistics,
intonation is variation of
spoken pitch that is not used to distinguish words; instead
it is used for a range of functions such as indicating the attitudes and
emotions of the speaker, signalling the difference between statements and
questions, and between different types of question, focusing attention on
important elements of the spoken message and also helping to regulate
conversational interaction. It contrasts with tone, in which pitch variation in some languages
does distinguish words, either lexically or grammatically. (The term tone
is used by some British writers in their descriptions of intonation, but this
is to refer to the pitch movement found on the nucleus or tonic syllable in an
intonation unit – see Intonation in English: British Analyses of English
Intonation, below).
Although
intonation is primarily a matter of pitch variation, it is important to be
aware that functions attributed to intonation such as the expression of
attitudes and emotions, or highlighting aspects of grammatical structure,
almost always involve concomitant variation in other prosodic features. Crystal for example says
that "intonation is not a single system of contours and levels, but the
product of the interaction of features from different prosodic systems – tone,
pitch-range, loudness, rhythmicality and tempo in
particular" (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Intonation
).
).
2.6.6 Syllable
Syllable thus meaning a handful [of
letters] is a unit of organization for a sequence of speech sounds. For
example, the word water is composed of two syllables: wa and ter.
A syllable is typically made up of a syllable
nucleus (most often a vowel)
with optional initial and final margins (typically, consonants).
Syllables are often considered
the phonological
"building blocks" of words. They can influence the rhythm of a language, its prosody, its poetic meter and
its stress
patterns.
Syllabic
writing began several hundred years before the first letters. The earliest recorded
syllables are on tablets written around 2800 BC in the Sumerian city of Ur. This shift from pictograms to
syllables has been called "the most important advance in the history of writing".
A
word that consists of a single syllable (like English
dog) is called a monosyllable
(and is said to be monosyllabic). Similar terms include disyllable (and disyllabic) for
a word of two syllables; trisyllable
(and trisyllabic) for a word of three syllables; and polysyllable (and polysyllabic),
which may refer either to a word of more than three syllables or to any word of
more than one syllable (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Syllable).
Some
examples :
Two syllable :
ð
|
onset coda
|
nucleus
coda
|
rime
|
nucleus coda
|
P O K O L
|
ð
|
onset coda
|
nucleus
coda
|
rime
|
nucleus coda
|
R
A K E K
|
Three Syllable :
ð
|
onset coda
|
nucleus
coda
|
rime
|
nucleus
coda
|
rime
|
nucleus coda
|
T U M E L E S
|
[Wakekes]
– ‘bunch’
ð
|
onset coda
|
nucleus
coda
|
rime
|
nucleus
coda
|
rime
|
nucleus coda
|
W
A K E K E S
|
2.7
Distinctive Features of Phonemes
We are generally not aware of the
phonetic properties or features that distinguish the phonemes of our language.
Phonetics provides the means to describe the phones (sounds) of language,
showing how they are produced and how they vary. Phonology tells us how various
sounds form patterns to create phonemes and their allophones. When a feature
distinguishes one phoneme from another, hence a word from another, it is
distinctive feature or, equivalently, a phonetic feature.
2.8
Phonetic and Phonemic Transcription of
Toulour Language
Having
seen how non-distinctive properties of segment are factored out by phonological
analysis, we can now compare the transcription use for segmental for
phonological representation with phonetic transcription the following examples
show this difference for the classes of sounds in Toulour language that we have
examined so far.
2.8.1
Phonetic
Transcription
·
[p] :
punti /punti/ ‘banana’
·
[k] :
kaput /kaput/ ‘cassava’
·
[m] :
meros /meros/ ‘down’
·
[ᵑ] :
waang /wa’aᵑ/ ‘tooth’
2.8.2 Phonemic
Transcription
·
[t] :
tandey /tandei/ ‘corn’
·
[k] :
kow /kou/ ‘you’
·
[w] :
wuug /wuuk/ ‘hair’
·
[n]
:nepad /nepat/ ‘four’
CHAPTER III
CLOSING
3.1 Conclusion
Indonesia is one of states in the world which has many
ethnics. Each ethnic has its own language or mother tongue. Nowadays, many
teenagers in Indonesia do not know their own ethnic language. For example in
the Minahasa, most of the teenagers cannot speak in Toulour language. Although they cannot speak in
Toulour, they still use the accent or dialect of this language.
Language
is a vital thing that must be known by people as the user of language. Every
language in Indonesia has its own dialect which is protected by UUD 1945.
According to UUD 1945 chapter XV point 26 stated that, “in the region which has
own language which is tended by all the societies very well, these language
will be respected and tended by the nations.” Minahasa has its own language
which known as Toulour language. It should be protected and used by the people
of Minahasa.
Nowadays,
most of the teenagers in Minahasa cannot speak in gheir language. There are some reasons which cause
this condition. First, the parents do not teach their children Toulour
language. The parents never talk in Toulour when talking with their children.
As a result, when their children grow up, they cannot speak in Toulour. They
just speak in informal Indonesian language with the Toulour accent or dialect.
Second, the teenagers think it is hard for them to pronounce the Minahasa
language because they do not speak in Toulour since they were kids. Third, the
teenagers think Toulour language is not for them, but for the adults. They also
think this language is used only in ceremonial tradition.
As a
teenager from Minahasa, we have to try to learn Toulour language even it is a
bit difficult for me. By learning this language, we can understand the second
reason above. We feel it is very difficult for us to speak in Toulour language,
especially in pronunciation. The first reason why we cannot speak in Toulour is
we do not have enough friends who can speak in Toulour. The second reason is
because of the place where we live. We live in Manado which the language and
the dialect are different from Minahasa.
Toulour
language is being forgotten today. The teenagers as the young generation even
do not want to learn about their own language. As the people of Minahasa, we
should protect this language. If we do not do that, Toulour language will be disappeared.
REFERENCE
en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Consonant
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Minahasa_people
http://grammar.about.com/od/c/g/Consonant-Cluster-Cc.htm
Lalamentik, W. H. C.
M., et al. 1986. GeografiDialekBahasaTombulu,
Jakarta: PusatPembinaan Dan PengembanganBahasaDepartemenPendidikan Dan
Kebudayaan
Paul Richard Renwarin, Matuari Wo Tonaas (Jakarta, Indonesia: Penerbit Cahaya pineleng,
2007), p. 35
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